The Communist Party is a historical necessity.

Marxism-Leninism expressly affirms the need for the communist party as the organizer and leader of the revolutionary struggle of the working class for socialism; historical experience, the great battles waged by the proletariat confirms the validity of this thesis.

The struggle of the working class for emancipation began a long time ago. In the 20th century, the trade union struggle of the workers in Europe went beyond economic demands and acquired political characteristics and a political course; it developed to putting forward the struggle for power and the understanding that it was the protagonist and leader of the social revolution.

These events were the result of a process that put forward the struggle for the immediate objectives, for the reduction of the working day, for stability and wage improvements, against the exploitation and oppression of the employers, for legal and social reforms. There were intense battles in which the ideological and political elements of the union organization were developed, of the unity of the workers from lower levels to the national level and further on to an international level, to the integration and practice of internationalism. There was the ideological and political confrontation, the unrelenting debate between the positions of scientific socialism and the anarchist theses and proposals, between Marxism and the opportunist positions. The development of the labor movement itself, its struggles and perspectives contributed to the establishment of the principles of scientific socialism, of Marxism.

The revolutions that triumphed in the 20th century were possible due to the existence of an independent political party of the proletariat, a party equipped and guided by Marxism-Leninism, a party that had the ability to develop a program and draw up proposals, lines of action and slogans that genuinely represent the immediate and strategic interests of the working class, that had the willingness and wisdom to face the changing conditions in which the revolutionary process unfolds, a party closely linked to the working masses, a party with iron discipline, with a single leadership and a single will to action, which has a central, capable and decisive leadership, a battle-hardened and courageous party that knows how to face the class enemy in all circumstances.

The October Revolution was the first and greatest experience of the workers; it was able to develop and win victory under complex and harsh conditions, precisely due to the existence of the Bolshevik Party.

The Chinese Revolution achieved victory after a bloody struggle due to the existence of the Communist Party.

The Albanian Revolution was made possible by the existence of the Communist Party, which placed itself at the head of the aspirations for freedom and democracy of the working class and people and led the struggle against the Nazi occupiers and the reactionary classes; it led the struggle to victory and guided it along the road of the construction of socialism.

The other revolutions that took place in the 20th century were also an expression of the existence and struggle of workers and people guided by the communist party.

Various revolutionary processes that took place could not achieve victory, fundamentally due to the weaknesses of the communist party.

The struggle for national liberation that developed in a large number of colonial and dependent countries that achieved victory could not lead to full independence much less to socialism because the party of the working class did not exist or was small and weak and did not have the ability to lead those processes.

The ideological, political and organizational foundations

The party of the proletariat is built on ideological foundations that correspond to the nature of the working class, to its role in the process of production and the creation of wealth, to its leading role in the life of society, to the role it must play in the social transformation, in the process of transition from being a subordinate class, dominated by the ruling class, to being the leading class of society. The political foundations of the party of the proletariat have to do with the situation of the working class, with the process of its union organization, with the confrontation with the employers, with the struggle for labor legislation that takes its aspirations into account and consecrates its rights, with the resistance to the coercive and repressive measures of the government of the capitalist class, in opposition to fascism and authoritarianism, to military dictatorships, with the electoral politics for the use of bourgeois institutions as a tribune in favor of its class interests, with the battles for freedom and democracy, for the confrontation with the power of the capitalists and imperialist domination, with the use of all forms of struggle, with political fights for power.

The revolutionary party of the working class adheres to and is guided by the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism.

The political party of the working class takes up the doctrine of the working class, Marxism-Leninism, as its ideology and politics, as its philosophical conception, as its economic and social program.

Marxism-Leninism arose as a consequence of the theoretical generalization of the organization and struggle of the workers, as the development of the materialist philosophy, political economy and historical materialism, as a result of the analysis of the nature of capitalism, of its laws of development.

Its creators were immersed in the organization and struggle of the workers, in the ranks of the International Workers Association, they were union fighters and leaders and organizers of the communist party. They developed the science of the revolution; this science has been and is being proven in social practice, in the struggle of the working class of each country and on an international scale, in the victory of the October Revolution and of the other socialist and national liberation revolutions. It is the revolutionary thought, the most advanced political doctrine developed by humanity throughout its extensive historical journey; its revolutionary principles have universal validity, they are relevant in all countries; of course, their application takes into account the concrete situation. Marxism-Leninism is a living, developing doctrine; each of the victorious revolutions contributed to its development; the various fights of the working class and the work of the communists in all countries are a contribution to that advance.

Marxism-Leninism is not a dogma, it is a guide to action; it is a philosophy to interpret the world but fundamentally to transform it.

The communist and workers' parties arose under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, in open struggle for their validity and development, in opposition to the opportunist and conciliatory positions that always threatened them. They are struggling for their orientation, they strive to apply it with initiative and boldness in the concrete situations of their countries, in the social and political dynamic, in the changing circumstances that take place at the national and international level; they will persist in their principles of Marxism-Leninism, in the social and political struggle to carry the revolution through to the end.

The central objective of the party is the seizure of power.

The policy, programmatic proposals, platforms and slogans are inscribed In this direction. The struggle for power is waged every day, in the concrete terrain of the society, in the heat of the class struggle.

The class struggle develops independently of the will of individuals, of the political parties. It is expressed in the confrontation between the workers and employers, between the laboring classes and the bourgeoisie, between the peoples and imperialism. Under certain conditions the class struggle becomes acute, of great magnitude; it involves the working class, the other laboring people, the peoples on the one hand, and the upper classes on the other, and it could lead to a political crisis. At other times this confrontation is of less intensity, it is carried out in isolated and scattered social struggles. At certain times it even seems that things are calm, that there is social peace. In any case, the class struggle does not disappear, it has different connotations, forms and levels.

Essentially the class struggle exists as the economic struggle, political struggle and ideological struggle. These are manifestations that do not occur in a compartmentalized way, they cannot be separated artificially from one another.

The economic struggle. The leading role of the party of the proletariat expresses itself in a specific way leading the organization and fights of the working class, the peoples and the youth in the struggle for their immediate economic interests, using them as a lever to get to the real causes of the situation of the working masses, to identify their immediate enemies as well as the holders of power, to educate them politically and to point out the course of power.

The political struggle. The communists are purposefully involved in the struggle for power that develops daily within society. They take sides for the cause of the working people, the poor, the exploited and oppressed; they confront the established institutions, against the anti-worker laws, in opposition to authoritarianism and repression, against the abuses of the judges, police and armed forces. Together with the rejection of the policies of the capitalists, they put forward programmatic proposals, proclamations, paths and slogans that allow them to promote the policy of the working class, to position it among the laboring people, among the people and youth, but also among the whole of society.

Essentially this is the revolutionary policy of the party of the proletariat; it is expressed every day, in all circumstances and places. Obviously, in capitalist society, at certain moments, the political struggle for power, the confrontation to settle positions among different sectors of the ruling classes, intensifies. In general, these moments are resolved through elections under representative democracy; suddenly, as a consequence of the sharpening of the contradictions between the exploited and exploiters, between the oppressed and oppressors, among the various groups of the ruling classes, political crises take place. These events involve the whole of society, all social classes and sectors of classes. Objectively, no one stands outside of them.

In all these events the Marxist-Leninist parties have been participating with their own positions, representing the interests of the working class and peoples, from the positions of the peoples and the nation, from the objectives of the development of the country.

The communist parties are clear about the need to politically educate the working masses, to show the class character of the government in office, to point out the historical mission of the working class, its responsibility to lead the struggle of all the workers and peoples, the perspective of the revolution and socialism, the necessity and possibility of the seizure of popular power.

These responsibilities are taken up by the working class parties with determination and boldness.

The ideological struggle. In capitalist society, the ideological struggle develops independently of the will of individuals; it expresses the confrontation of the interests of the antagonistic social classes, the working class and the bourgeoisie. It is waged between the objectives of the capitalists to preserve, protect, defend and increase their perks and privileges, and the proposals of the workers to defend their interests, for the winning of their rights, for the determination to change the established order, to overthrow the employers and to establish themselves as the ruling classes.

The capitalist class, like the ruling classes of the past, ascended to power and worked daily to maintain and perpetuate itself in power. The power of the bourgeoisie is based on force, on the role of the police and the armed forces; it defends itself with reactionary coercion and violence. However, in order to maintain and develop its power, the class of capitalists essentially works for the legitimation of its domination.

It justified its rise to power, its use of violence and terror by raising the banners of "freedom, equality and solidarity," proclaiming the freedom of the serfs, the emancipation of the slaves. It drew up legislation that proclaims equality before the law, the law of universal suffrage, the alternation in office in the exercise of government, the existence and validity of parliament, of representative democracy. In the stage of imperialism it declares itself the guardian of peace, freedom and democracy, and proclaims its willingness to intervene in any country where these principles are violated. According to these assumptions and all the advances that are evident in relation to time and events, the world is reaching the highest levels of development, of democracy and peace thanks to individual freedom, competition and free trade. The workers are part of this society, they take part in this democracy, they must be the leading forces of the incessant development and beneficiaries of that which corresponds to them, the wages to subsist and reproduce themselves.

With the advent of capitalism the industrial working class arose, the proletariat that creates the wealth, the transformation of the resources of nature into commodities, in the material goods that make possible life and its unceasing development. The wealth produced by the workers is expropriated by the private owners of the means of production, by the capitalist class, turning them into wage slaves.

This situation places the main classes of capitalist society at opposite poles: the workers and the bourgeoisie.

The bourgeoisie, when it overthrew feudalism, established a new, revolutionary world; it gave a great impetus to science, technique and technology, it constantly revolutionized the instruments of production creating great amounts and also a great concentration of wealth. This new world was built on the foundations of the exploitation of the wage labor of thousands of millions of human beings, on social and political oppression, on the plunder of the natural resources of all countries. It was corrupt from its beginnings with the reasons for its aging and disappearance. That new world is now an old world, decaying and rotten.

 By establishing itself on the basis of the exploitation and oppression of millions of human beings, it became a colossus with feet of clay. As it grew it transformed the former serfs into "free" workers, it multiplied them numerically and expanded them throughout the earth, it placed them in direct relation to the advances of science and technology, it made them social subjects who were acquiring consciousness of their role in order to become gravediggers of the world of capital, the forgers of a new world, the workers' society, socialism.

The bourgeoisie and the proletariat are opposites in capitalist society; They are in constant struggle to have the dominant role. For the time being, the capitalists are in power but the workers are struggling to overthrow them, to bring them down and become the new ruling class. This struggle will continue until finally the proletariat will definitively win out and create the material and psychological conditions for the elimination of social classes, including its own disappearance as a class, for the arrival of communism.

The ideological struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie exists in all circumstances, it is present in the various periods of the class struggle. It is expressed in the struggle of the revolutionary new against the reactionary and obsolete old; between "individual freedom," selfishness and egoism against collective interests and solidarity; between bourgeois democracy that justifies the oppression of the working masses and the repression of trade unionists and revolutionaries; and, in opposition to proletarian democracy, the right to speak, to decide and to carry out the great achievements to benefit the great majority, direct democracy, the democracy of the masses; between representative democracy and the revolutionary government that will take up the great achievements of socialism.

The communist party is the consistent standard bearer of the great ideals of the proletariat. It participates decisively in this ideological struggle, unfurling the principles of the revolution and socialism, popular power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The struggle for power. Of all the forms of the class struggle, the political struggle is the main one, it is the one that leads to the seizure of power, which allows all the achievements that the workers and peoples need and want to be concretized for their benefit.

The communist party makes the political struggle primary, it develops the economic struggle on a daily basis, it engages in the ideological struggle, it directs its main activities to the struggle for the seizure of power, it works to incorporate in that direction the social base of the revolution, the workers and peasants, the progressive intellectuals, the oppressed peoples and nations. It works incessantly to build the revolutionary united front, to isolate the class enemy, the big bourgeoisie and imperialism, to accumulate powerful revolutionary forces that will lead to the final battles to overthrow the power of the national and foreign capitalists, to establish power popular. It raises the banners of emancipation: the red banner of the workers, of the revolution and socialism, the banners of the national liberation of the dependent countries.

In opposition to the bourgeois dictatorship we communists fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

From its dawn, society divided into classes established the State as an expression of the institutions, as an instrument for the exercise of power, to subordinate and exploit the laboring classes and social sectors.

The capitalist State does not escape these conceptions; it is the instrument of the capitalist class and imperialism for the exercise of their economic power, for safeguarding, preserving and developing their interests. It is organized for the subordination of the working class and the other laboring classes; it becomes the guarantee for the perpetuation of their domination. The bourgeois State, regardless of its form, regardless of the level of social and political gains reached by the workers and peoples, despite formal declarations, constitutional dogmas and laws in force, is an expression of the rule of the employers, the dictatorship of the capitalist class that proclaims freedom and democracy for the powerful, and institutionalizes exploitation and subordination for the workers.

Representative democracy, military dictatorship, authoritarian governments or reformist regimes are forms of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, expressions of the supremacy of the privileges for a few and exploitation, poverty and oppression for the vast majority.

The working class and its party should not take over the bourgeois State and with their content and purposes carry out their class aims. They must destroy the state machinery established by the exploiters and, on its foundations, raise up Popular Power, the Workers' State that will acquire the essence of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, taking various forms, according to the concrete historical circumstances.

In the former USSR and in other countries, the dictatorship of the proletariat meant the rupture of all ideological and political obstacles that allowed the oppression and exploitation of workers, the introduction of a new type of democracy, proletarian democracy that allowed millions of human beings who take part in production, both in the factories and in the fields, to have full access to freedom, who have the right to say what to do and how to do it at the level of the workers' State and in society; it revolutionized education and arts and placed them at the service of all workers; it gave rise to the development of science and scientific discoveries and made them available to the vast majority of the population. In fact, it took up the defense of the new society, repressing the defeated reactionary classes that tried to subvert the revolution; it needed to defend itself from the aggression of imperialism and international reaction.

The dictatorship of the proletariat will always be the expression of the broadest democracy for the masses, because it implies the exercise of the power of the workers, and the dictatorship over the capitalists and other reactionaries.

Historical experience shows various forms of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and in the future the workers and peoples will undoubtedly find the most effective forms to exercise the power of the proletariat and the other laboring classes over the former exploiters, over the forms of capital inside the country and to defend themselves from the threats of reaction and counterrevolution at the national and international level.

The working masses and youth are the social subject of the revolution.

The revolutionary party of the proletariat can and must fulfill its historic mission of organizing and making the revolution to the degree that it permanently forges and nourishes its links with the working masses, the peoples and youth; in so far as it takes up, in actuality, the organization and leadership of the working class and works for the leadership of the latter among the whole laboring class and youth.

The linking of the party with the masses seeks to ensure that the programmatic proposals, policies and revolutionary slogans are understood and accepted by the "decisive sectors of the masses." The great majority of the masses will be convinced of the need and correctness of the revolution with the achievements of socialism, an issue that can only be carried out from power.

The working class, the other sectors of the laboring masses and the youth can and should be involved in revolutionary work, in some of their sectors, through the promotion of the theses and program of the party, the party's ability to persuade them of the necessity, justice and viability of the revolution. They will affirm themselves in these ideas through their social practice, in mobilizations and strikes, in land seizures and uprisings.

Other sectors of the masses will join in the course of the struggle, join their contingent, convinced of the correctness and strength of the revolutionary forces, of their example. And a good part of the masses will be won by the achievements of the revolution.

This means that the party of the proletariat must persist in its work of winning the masses for the revolutionary struggle, it must pay attention to those sectors of the working class, peoples and youth that constitute the "decisive majorities."

Which are the "decisive majorities," how do we identify them and, above all, how do we work to bring them into the revolutionary process?

The decisive majorities are the social forces that are most willing to struggle, those sectors that are most open to the programmatic proposals of the revolution, those sectors of the working class that work in large industrial complexes, in the strategic areas of the economy; in various countries, the public workers.

In the great majority of countries dependent on imperialist domination, especially those where forms of pre-capitalist modes of production persist, where the development of the productive forces is slow, deformed by the international division of labor imposed by the monopolies and the imperialist countries, the peasantry, and within it the poor and middle peasants, form part of the decisive sectors of the masses, they are open to being incorporated into the revolutionary process. Therefore they deserve the attention of the party of the proletariat; together with them the worker-peasant alliance must be forged as the fundamental base of the revolutionary united front.

Among the public workers in many countries, the teachers are joining the struggle for their rights and thus confronting the bourgeois government, the capitalist class. They form part of the decisive sectors of the masses, they must be led by the revolutionary positions, by the party of the working class and projected to the struggle for power, for the revolution and socialism.

The youth from the laboring classes, those sectors that take part as wage laborers in the enterprises, the strata of youth of the peasantry constitute a dynamic social sector that can more quickly embrace the ideals of the revolution and socialism. The party of the proletariat must take up the responsibility of winning over the organization and leading the struggle of the secondary school and university student youth; these sectors have played and play an important role in society, their ability to mobilize can be integrated into the revolutionary process; a good part of them are leaders of the intermittent struggles and the most advanced dream of joining the revolutionary armed struggle. Among their ranks there are decisive and bold fighters who can become members of the communist party.

The party of the proletariat must concentrate its forces on these sectors of the masses to assert itself and grow, but it is necessary to go a little further, to specify who among those actors can advance faster, who with their own actions can and should create social and political reference points and at specific moments can play a determining role in the course of the revolution. To find them and work in a sustained manner to get them to know the party's policy, to contribute to their social and union organization, to build the Party and its forces among their most outstanding members; this is a task that will allow us at every moment to win the "decisive majorities," which are such mainly due to their role, but also due to their number.

To win the "decisive majorities" for the revolution is completely possible, it can be done; the Marxist-Leninists are carrying out those tasks, they must persist in that work.

The vanguard role of the communist party

The Party must recognize itself as the vanguard; it must be so in fact. This is not a simple matter, much less an attribute that can be decreed. We are the vanguard because we represent, in theory and in practice, the genuine interests of the working class and that is the social class able to lead the other laboring classes in their struggle for their emancipation from capitalism. The role of vanguard is won because it has a correct historical analysis and has a revolutionary Political Line, but above all because it devotes its thought and activity to the revolutionary struggle, to the persevering work of organizing the workers, of uniting them, educating them politically and leading them in the small and large battles for their immediate demands and for their liberation. Under these circumstances the party is the leader, and that is a collective attribute of the organization.

The Party must disseminate its proposals: what it is and what it proposes for today and tomorrow, for the new society. If the working masses and the youth know the policy of the party, if they are persuaded of its correctness, timeliness and viability, their most advanced sectors will understand it, make it their own and decide to fight for its implementation. If we work to spread the revolutionary strategy, the necessity and probability of seizing power, the role of revolutionary violence for that end, socialism, its nature and its achievements, the workers, peoples and youth will transform themselves into leaders in the struggle for change, for the revolution, for popular power and socialism. The strategy and tactics of the party, in fact, become a point of reference for the masses, they show the party's vanguard role, the leadership of its policies.

The revolutionaries, comrades and members must win the confidence of the masses, must take up with responsibility the leadership of the struggle in its various levels and circumstances. The struggle itself emphasizes the "special" people, those who have the basic conditions to take up the the role of "leaders." The communists and other revolutionaries must fully assume that their role is expressed in their ability to bring together, unite, organize and lead the masses in their daily struggles. This activity is the test of the great revolutionary battles that will develop and in which each member must fulfill his/her role.

The personal leadership of communist leaders among the masses and their struggles is not decreed by the fact that they are communist militants and from the social forces involved in the revolution. No, that leadership must be won! In order to achieve this, it is necessary to want to do so and actually do it. Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries are able to see beyond the immediate circumstances; they see the causes, contradictions and perspectives. These analyses let them explain, persuade and convince the masses of the correctness of their proposals, they enable them to point out the way and the paths, to identify the goals of the struggle and how to provide the forces for combat. They make it possible for the various social sectors in which the communists are active to accept the party's policy, to have confidence in the work, ability and courage of each one of its members and to fight for it under its leadership.

In this way we communists will earn the honorable title of popular leaders, which means mainly the assumption of new responsibilities that must be fulfilled in an upward spiral, towards new and higher tasks.

The leaders of the trade unions and associations, of the peasantry and youth, of the peoples must affirm themselves in their social environment; they must continually develop their ideological and political convictions and their cultural level. If they gain experience and prestige as leaders of their social sector they have a better possibility of projecting themselves within the political activity, to revolutionary action. Beginning as local leaders they must be projected to general and national struggles, from their position as social leaders they must advance to the level of revolutionary leaders. In this field the Marxist-Leninist parties have significant experiences that need to be generalized.

In defense of Marxism-Leninism, in confrontation with reaction and opportunism

The party of the working class actively participates in the struggle of ideas that develops every day and in the most varied circumstances.

The bourgeoisie through its ideologues seeks to legitimize its rule before society as a whole, using the most varied means: religions, schools, academia, bourgeois institutions, coercion and deception, the media.

The development of the productive forces, of the instruments of production, the advances in science and technology, the innovations and inventions that are created as a consequence of the accumulation and appropriation of the wealth created by the workers are used to extol capitalism, to claim that it is the highest form of historical development, beneficial to all humanity, for the progress of the countries.

They explore new ideas and proposals, new meta-narratives, the revision and interpretation of history to establish a "new" philosophical thought that allows them (the capitalists) to appear as the standard-bearers of the new philosophical currents, of post-modernism that is seen as the synthesis of historical social development.

They even use the labor gains and rights, the democratic openings won by the workers in order to preach that it is possible to advance with the permission of the bourgeoisie, due to the democratic nature of capitalism.

Simultaneously they orchestrate a vast campaign of lies and distortions about the revolution and socialism, they demonize the communist party. They take advantage of the debacle of modern revisionism, of the dissolution of the former USSR to proclaim the failure and death of socialism, to declare the end of ideologies and of the class struggle. They denounce the revolution and socialism as useless sacrifices paid for by the workers and peoples that gain them nothing, that lead back to capitalism.

Their venomous darts are mainly directed at the existence and role of the communist party, at the role of the working class which, supposedly, without the revolution, has achieved huge benefits that can grow as capitalism develops.

Social-Democracy became a battering ram to attack the revolution and socialism, to attack the USSR and the socialist camp, to show itself to the working masses as the alternative to the revolution. Democratic socialism is only a face of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, of capitalism.

So far in the new millennium, particularly in the Americas, so-called "21st century socialism," basing itself on the long struggle of the workers, peoples and youth against neoliberal policies, has been presented as the alternative to scientific socialism, to the historical experience of the revolutionary processes that the working class and peoples led in the 20th century.

The various forms of opportunism join in the chorus of these distortions by the capitalist class: They align themselves with their attacks against Marxism-Leninism, they declare it obsolete. They preach the need to find and elaborate new proposals for the emancipation of the workers; they accuse the communist party of taking advantage of the trade union struggles and revolutionary combats. They demonize democratic centralism as a form of authoritarianism, that kills the initiatives of the proletarian revolutionaries.

In this work the various representatives of modern, Khrushchevite revisionism, stand out. They betrayed communism under the pretext of changing times, of superseding Marxism-Leninism, who betrayed and condemned the dictatorship of the proletariat. Specifically, they directed their diatribes against Stalin and transformed themselves into reformist parties, into tools of capitalism and imperialism for class conciliation, for the ideological and political disarmament of the working class, for the destruction of the communist parties that once played a consistent revolutionary role. They became the ones who destroyed the socialist states. Some of these parties, preserving their opportunist essence, are developing a pseudo-revolutionary verbiage in order to continue with the deception, to appear as "modern" communists.

Since their expulsion and condemnation by the Bolsheviks, Trotskyism and its followers have always been a spearhead of reaction and the bosses to line up with their attacks on the Bolshevik revolution, joining the chorus of the capitalists who denounced it as the dictatorship of the party, as a manifestation of bureaucracy, as an expression of Stalinism which they blamed for all the bad things that existed and now exist.

A group of petty-bourgeois revolutionaries and progressive intellectuals participate in the diatribes against communism, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the role of Stalin. Starting from their idealistic conceptions they condemn the great feats of the working class, the revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat and Stalinism.

The communist party resolutely takes up the theoretical and political debate with the bourgeoisie and reaction, with the various manifestations of opportunism. It resolutely takes up the defense of Marxism-Leninism, the historical experience of the revolutions of the 20th century, the role of the communist party, and the validity of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It always puts forward the study of the revolutionary processes, of their successes and victories, as well as the reasons that allowed for the triumph of the policies of imperialism and reaction, and the destruction of the former USSR and other revolutions.

Although the main form of the defense of Marxism-Leninism is the commitment and concrete practice of following its teachings and, under its guidance reopening the road to the revolution and socialism, the proletarian revolutionaries must participate in the theoretical debate that arises. It is not enough to refer to the teachings of the classics; one must intervene actively in the discussion, in the concrete conditions in which it arises, one must also respond to the new challenges in the field of revolutionary theory.

The ideological struggle galvanizes the proletarian party.

The party is built in the great laboratory of the class struggle, in the midst of the theoretical and political combat between the working class and the bourgeoisie, between the peoples and imperialism.

Starting from the revolutionary proletarian conceptions and practices that the communists take up, the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations have been affirmed and developed.

In spite of this, r rather, due to this circumstance, the class struggle is also waged within the party, in the field of ideas, of the revolutionary conceptions and practice of its members.

In the midst of its revolutionary activity errors and mistakes are made, there are difficulties and obstacles to be overcome. The impact of the ideology of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, of the theses of opportunism and revisionism must also be faced.

To ensure the correction of errors and to overcome the difficulties, to resolve the problems that arise among the communists, one must make use of the tool of criticism and self-criticism. In order to reaffirm their ideological and political unity, to isolate and defeat the incorrect ideas and positions, the party and its members are champions of the ideological struggle.

The ideological struggle is the expression of the class struggle within the party, it is a confrontation that must be carried out to the end, to the affirmation of proletarian conceptions. Ideological and political unity is reached and must be pursued under all circumstances with the unmasking and eradication of the incorrect ideas, of the infiltration of the theses of reaction and opportunism. Conciliation in the field of ideological struggle leads to weakening the class nature of the party, to sowing illusions about reformism, to deviation from the objectives of communism.

Proletarian internationalism corresponds to the class nature of the communist party.

The working class is a single class, in all countries it takes part in a leading way in the process of production; a good part of it is integrated into the big industrial complexes; another sector, dispersed in small and medium enterprises endowed with the latest technology; it is in direct relation with innovations and new inventions, with science and technology; it is the creator of the wealth that is accumulated and concentrated in the big monopolies, in the imperialist countries and bourgeois groups in all the regions of the Earth.

Capitalist society, the monopolies and imperialist countries are the expropriators of the surplus value created by thousands of millions of workers of all countries; they impose regulations, laws, oppression and exploitation, the repressive systems throughout the globe. Despite the division of the capitalist class into large monopoly groups, into various imperialist countries, into various economic groups in each country, they all make use of the wealth created by the proletariat, act as a single front against the working class and peoples.

The working class is an international class, it confronts the capitalist class on a global scale. From the very beginning of its condition as a class for itself, from the early days of the trade union organization it had the understanding and consciousness of the character of capitalist exploitation, of the need to build the international organization of the proletariat, to forge the unity of the workers.

The workers’ movement and its struggle set the stage for the emergence and strengthening of the communist parties that join in as international fighters for socialism.

The communist party has always been a shock brigade of the international revolution of the proletariat, in its long history it has carried out great and heroic feats of the communists fighting for the revolution and socialism, regardless of the country of its birth.

The Marxist-Leninist parties of our time grouped in the ICMLPO reaffirm their internationalist identity, their position as detachments of the international socialist revolution. The origin, life and struggle of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations are witness to the theory and practice of proletarian internationalism.

The communist newspaper

The policy of the party of the proletariat, its general and specific expressions must be known by the working class, by the other laboring classes and the youth, and must be spread throughout society.

Party activity cannot be developed except through the propaganda of revolutionary ideas. It will not be possible to achieve socialism if the Marxist-Leninist conceptions and proposals are not spread among the working class and the masses.

The propagandist work must be directed towards winning the broad masses of the workers for the revolution and socialism and, secondly, it must denounce and condemn bourgeois society, imperialist domination, capitalist corruption and decadence and, of course, unmasking the reformist positions of social-democracy, opportunism and revisionism.

The validity of the tactical guidelines, the correctness of the revolutionary proposal, of popular power and socialism, the forms of organization and the ways to advance to the seizure of power; the revolutionary nature of the party and its forces, their ability and consistency, their audacity and determination; the role and democratic character of the revolutionary leaders and chiefs, their ability to lead the popular struggles, and their skill in carrying out the mandates of the masses must be the motives and contents of revolutionary propaganda.

The activity of revolutionary propaganda should be directed, first of all, towards the popular sectors that form the social base of the party, secondly to the most impoverished social sectors of society, and, thirdly, to the progressive intelligentsia of the middle strata of the population.

The social base of the party, that is, the workers and peasants, the poor neighborhood residents and small business owners, teachers, secondary and university student youths, the democratic and patriotic men and women able to align themselves with revolutionary positions must constantly be exposed to Marxist-Leninist ideas.

The working class, the laboring masses and the youth are victims of the reactionary offensive, they are susceptible to ideological and political manipulation by reaction and opportunism. The propaganda of the party must take these elements into account and seek and find the ways and means to reach them and affirm the conception of change, the understanding of the problems and their leading role in the organization and popular struggle.

The majority of the population are victims of the exploitation and oppression of the capitalists, they suffer the ravages of poverty; their situation is exacerbated daily by the lack of employment and the high cost of living. These are the explosive social sectors, susceptible to desperate actions; they are manipulated in the elections by the populist trends that promise them the whole world, salvation, but they are hit by these unfulfilled promises. These poor people, the shirtless ones, must be exposed to the party propaganda in order to win them to the struggle for the change that they want, but that they believe will come from a Messiah.

A part of the intelligentsia of the middle strata of the population, of the petty bourgeoisie, the professionals, teachers and students have progressive and democratic conceptions; they have not been absorbed by the system as their "organic intellectuals." They are capable of understanding and adhering to revolutionary proposals; they generally form part of the reformist, social-democratic formations, but there is a radical fringe. The nature of the activity of these social sectors makes them into opinion makers. The propaganda of the party must also be directed towards these sectors. Its contents must show its theoretical validity, it must provide arguments that show its correctness, its validity and timeliness. We should not forget to give them an opportunity not only to read our positions but also to express them, as leaders in making revolutionary propaganda.

The experiences in the field of propaganda and, above all, the need to advance by leaps and bounds should help to increase their quality and magnitude in order to reach millions of human beings, the whole of society, the social base of the party, the dispossessed and the progressive intelligentsia; they should give rise to the many-sided use of the written press, the leaflet, wall propaganda, radio and television, but they also should use the openings that can be gained from the commercial media through interviews, debates, statements, bulletins, calls, etc.

The fundamental instrument of propaganda of the Marxist-Leninist party must be the central newspaper, the organ of the Central Committee. Leninism stresses the extraordinary role of the party newspaper; from " Iskra" to " Pravda" it was a bulwark of the revolutionary action of the masses, it played the role of propagandist and agitator for the struggle of the working class and peasantry, of the union organizer and the party; it was the vehicle that gave the call for the assault on power.

Certainly the media has developed hand in hand with the development of the productive forces, the innovations of science and technology, in recent times above all with the role played by the internet and social networks. However, without renouncing the use of these various forms, the party must insist on the newspaper, on its regular publication, on its capacity as a vehicle for the political unification of the party, for the organization of the masses, for the class combats of the workers.

Revolutionary violence is the midwife of History.

The liberation of the slaves was the result of their rebellion, of great revolts and revolutions that broke the chains and gave rise to a new stage of development of human society, to the autocracy of the feudal lords, to absolutism, and the serfdom of millions of peasants who as "free men" were yoked to bondage. Obscurantism was eliminated by the revolution of the artisans and peasants who were taken advantage of by the bourgeoisie in order to ascend to political power and establish the capitalist system. The repeated attempts by the feudal aristocracy and reaction to restore their privileges also made use of violence, but they were defeated again and again by the revolutionary violence wielded by the bourgeoisie, counting on the workers and peasants as their troops. The bourgeoisie in power uses violence to preserve its interests, to increase and perpetuate them. Imperialism affirms its economic and political domination with the wars of aggression, with the establishment of puppet regimes, with occupation troops. The first victorious proletarian revolution, the Paris Commune, established the first workers' government, the first form of the dictatorship of the proletariat accompanied by the armed insurrection of the workers; it defended itself through revolutionary violence until it succumbed to the superiority of the capitalists. The Great October Revolution was born from the armed insurrection of October 25, 1917, it survived the counterrevolutionary offensive and defeated it after a bloody civil war, relying on the Red Army, with the workers and peasants armed and fighting for their destiny. The Albanian revolution, the Chinese revolution, the war of liberation of Vietnam and all the revolutions that seized power and once formed the great socialist camp were a consequence, the result of revolutionary war, of guerrilla warfare and insurrections.

The liberation of the workers, their true independence can only come with the organization and victory of the revolutionary armed struggle. The Marxist-Leninist communists take up revolutionary violence, they strive to organize it in the concrete historical conditions.

To conceive of revolutionary violence as the form of struggle that leads to power presupposes for the proletarian party the use of all other forms of struggle: economic strife, battles of trade unions and associations, the democratic struggles of the people, the enterprise strike and the general strike, popular uprisings, street fighting, marches, protests, the seizure of roads and lands, the participation in elections under representative democracy.

The proletarian party's leadership is developed to the degree that it can make use of all forms of struggle, to use them to accumulate forces, to contribute to the organization of the workers and youth, to educate them politically, always keeping in mind power and victory. To use all forms of struggle, to combine them properly, to subordinate them to the revolutionary armed struggle will enable the working class and its party to complete the first stage of the revolution, the seizure of power, and then the exercise of leadership and the realization of the great task of building socialism.

Democratic centralism is the pillar of the party of the working class

The communist party is a system of organizations, Lenin pointed out from the very first days of building a revolutionary party of the working class.

This statement refers to the need for an organized party, endowed with iron discipline and a centralized leadership. It is an organization of militants that carries out revolutionary activity together with the masses under the guidance of a single political orientation, that displays initiative without losing its course.

Democratic centralism combines democracy and centralism, freedom and discipline, creative initiative and planned and controlled activity.

Between democracy and centralism, the latter is primary, that which defines and characterizes the party of the proletariat.

As a centralized organization, the Marxist-Leninist party does not allow for parallel leadership, nor does it recognize factions of any kind. As a democratic organization it establishes equality of rights and duties for all its members, elections at all levels, the right of recall, constant information and consultation with the rank-and-file by the higher bodies, the right to criticize and make suggestions to those bodies and the individual leaders, using the relevant channels.

The validity of revolutionary democracy in the life of the party is expressed in the broadest but organized political discussion of important problems, in the participation of all bodies and members in the formulation of the Political Line, of the Declaration of Principles, of the Program and Statute of the Party; in the enthusiastic and creative activity in order to boldly apply and develop the orientations emanating from the leading bodies, in the permanent and correct exercise of criticism and self-criticism, in the practice of collective leadership.

In order for these norms to be really effective, work must be done to create an atmosphere of equality and camaraderie between leaders and rank-and-file. The most important thing to achieve this is the attitude of respect that the leaders must have for the members.

Centralism arises from the need to elaborate, synthesize and convert the opinions and initiatives of the rank-and-file into a single orientation, to adopt practical measures that make viable the unrestricted implementation and application of agreements and resolutions taken, to unite and distribute the forces of the Party according to the needs of the struggle and to ensure a single will of action of all the members.

The Khrushchevite revisionists, all sorts of left and right opportunists, and of course the ideologues of reaction and the bourgeoisie denounce democratic centralism as a form of rigidity, of the authoritarianism of the omnipotent central committee, as a manifestation of what they call Stalinism. A large number of petty-bourgeois revolutionary groups and individuals condemn it as anti-democratic and demand freedom of political opinion and action.

Historical experience shows the correctness and validity of democratic centralism to build and forge the Marxist-Leninist party. Only a party guided by Marxism-Leninism and galvanized by democratic centralism was able in the past to organize and lead the October Revolution and the other proletarian revolutions of the 20th century, to build socialism. Only such a party can continue the grandiose task of leading the working class and people to bring down capitalism and establish the new world, the workers' society, socialism.

The Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations that close ranks in the ICMLPO are consistent champions of the validity of democratic centralism.

The building of the revolutionary party of the proletariat

The organization of the revolution demands a powerful communist party, a large and capable party composed of thousands and thousands of proletarian revolutionaries, men and women who adhere to and fight for the cause of communism.

The need for ideological and political unity, for a single will of action, for an iron discipline, arises in conditions indispensable for the activity of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, but at the same time they are expressions of the serious and unrestricted practice of proletarian democracy.

The conception that the party is not just the sum of individuals, but a system of bodies, is a particular characteristic of the party of the proletarians.

The ideological, political and organizational relationship of the party with the masses is another pillar of the building of the party, it is affirmed in the materialist conception that the masses are the makers of history, that social being determines consciousness, of the theory of knowledge and the negation of spontaneity.

The dialectical relation of theory to practice. The conviction that without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary politics, the role of the party in the elaboration and discussion of theory, the need to equip the working class and the masses with revolutionary theory are an indispensable component in the life and building of the party.

The validity of criticism and self-criticism in order to resolve problems, correct errors and overcome difficulties within the party; the correct use of the ideological struggle to defeat positions and practices within the party that are alien to proletarian ideology and politics, ensure the class character of the party.

These fundamental principles have guided the communists throughout several decades, in various countries and conditions, and have shown themselves to be correct and revolutionary; they have allowed several parties to fulfill their historical role of leading the revolution, seizing power and beginning the construction of socialism.

The Marxist-Leninists affirm adherence to these principles which are the basis of the party of a "new type"; they strive to apply them in the building of the party of the proletariat.

The ICMLPO parties are still small organizations, with problems in their functioning, insufficiently linked to the masses. These are parties and organizations that grow slowly, lagging behind the needs of the revolution, behind the possibilities. The organizational development is insufficient in regard to the political work carried out by the party itself.

In the current conditions of the revolutionary process, the question of how to advance in the growth of the party is put forward as a very important problem.

The selection, formation of nuclei and training of popular fighters in the various organizations of the masses should be understood as first steps in recruiting for the party.

Clearly, not all the rank-and-file members of these organizational nuclei will become members of the communist party. That high honor and responsibility will be taken up by the most consistent and selfless popular fighters who advance to understand the fundamental doctrines of Marxism-Leninism and make them their own in the struggle of the masses, in the revolutionary combat. This does not in any manner mean that those people who are members of trade union and popular organizations, without being party members, are not revolutionaries. On the contrary, they are an integral part of the revolutionary forces, organizers and leaders of the struggle of the masses. The communists must strengthen links of ideological, political and organizational unity with them: they must respect their opinions and particular characteristics, forge together with them the various detachments of the proletarian revolution.

Among those social fighters, the most consistent and honest of them, those who show the firmest commitment to their own interests, those who advance to look beyond their environment, who seek out ways one will find the new members of the communist party. Among those leaders of the masses, paying attention to the youngest and most determined, the bold ones, those who show wisdom and initiative, among those who aspire to change, are the seed, the present and future of the revolution and socialism.

It is not to be expected that these potential communists will be clear about the situation, the cause of the problems, much less the solution. They should not be required to fully understand Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary political line of the party and its policies and proposals as a condition for entry into the party. All this they will know and learn within the party, in the process of their assimilation and training as communists.

The cell is the basic organization of the party. It is the nucleus of communists who live among the working masses, who are constantly in touch with their activities and problems, who can grasp and process their desires and aspirations, their needs, their degree of consciousness and their state of mind. It is the group of revolutionary propagandists who carry the ideas of communism to the masses, who stir them up, who persuade them and predispose them to the revolutionary struggle. It is the general staff that can organize the combat of the masses and lead it to victory, that educates the people politically, that strengthens their social and revolutionary organization. It is the center of the builders of the party, of those who organize the recruitment and training of new communists.

The building of the party has to do with the promotion of the party, its politics and cadres among the masses.

The building of the party demands a leading nucleus.

To resolve the problem of party leadership, principally of its Central Committee, is the indispensable condition for the growth of the party, for its consolidation and development.

It is a task and a responsibility that demands tenacity and perseverance and that develops in a more or less complex process.

The fundamentals for the consolidation of this leading nucleus are:

- in the knowledge and assimilation of revolutionary theory, of Marxism-Leninism; in the ability of that same nucleus to know and interpret, in the light of principles and from the interests of the working class, the complex and changing situation in which society and the country are immersed, in which the international struggle of the working class unfolds.

- in its ability to elaborate for the working class, for society as a whole

- in the willingness to integrate itself into the organization and struggle of the working class, in the political struggle unfolding in society

- in its willingness to take on the tasks of leading the party, to directly involve itself in the relations of the leadership with the rank-and-file

- in the consistent practice of criticism and self-criticism, of ideological struggle

- in the willingness to confront and resolve the problems of party life, to listen to the concerns of the members and to give them revolutionary and timely answers

- the leaders of the party must be fearless, bold, timely, they must show the way by example, with revolutionary simplicity and passion.

The forging of a Central Committee that recognizes and takes up its responsibilities and tasks will be expressed daily, it will have its ups and downs, but it will guarantee the building of the party and the leadership of the revolutionary struggle of the working class for socialism.

The training of new and numerous party cadres.

The communist parties must have a significant number of cadres, of popular leaders who have a well-earned leadership among the masses, who are dear and respected.

This is a reality recognized by ourselves and others. But it is also true that the present requirements of the mass movement and, above all, the prospects and needs of its development demand multiplying the number of revolutionary cadres.

The new cadres will not be produced spontaneously, they will be the result of the existence of many members, men and women communists who have the qualities and willingness to assume the leadership of the masses in the process of the revolution.

The training of cadres requires a persistent work of the leadership of the party but it also demands the willingness of each member to take another step forward.

The study of revolutionary theory, the cultural formation, cultivation of skills and abilities and social practice are indispensable to forge the leaders of the masses; the membership, the life, the practice of proletarian democracy, of criticism and self-criticism, of ideological struggle, as well as the integration and participation in union organization and struggle, in the social and political combats of the working masses contribute to affirming and strengthening the revolutionary consciousness of the cadres, to projecting them as political leaders of the masses.

[ICMLPO, June 2017]

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